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In anthropology, kinship is the web of social relationships that form an important part of the lives of all humans in all societies, although its exact meanings even within this discipline are often debated. Anthropologist Robin Fox states that "the study of kinship is the study of what man does with these basic facts of life – mating, gestation, parenthood, socialization, siblingship etc." Human society is unique, he argues, in that we are "working with the same raw material as exists in the animal world, but we can conceptualize and categorize it to serve social ends." These social ends include the socialization of children and the formation of basic economic, political and religious groups. Kinship can refer both to the patterns of social relationships themselves, or it can refer to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures (i.e. kinship studies). Over its history, anthropology has developed a number of related concepts and ...

Family types edit Family is a group of people affiliated by consanguinity (by recognized birth), affinity (by marriage), or co-residence/shared consumption (see Nurture kinship). In most societies it is the principal institution for the socialization of children. As the basic unit for raising children, Anthropologists most generally classify family organization as matrifocal (a mother and her children); conjugal (a husband, his wife, and children; also called nuclear family); avuncular (a brother, his sister, and her children); or extended family in which parents and children co-reside with other members of one parent's family. However, producing children is not the only function of the family; in societies with a sexual division of labor, marriage, and the resulting relationship between two people, it is necessary for the formation of an economically productive household. Terminology edit Different societies classify kinship relations differently and therefore use different system...

One of the foundational works in the anthropological study of kinship was Morgan's Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family (1871). As is the case with other social sciences, Anthropology and kinship studies emerged at a time when the understanding of the Human species' comparative place in the world was somewhat different from today's. Evidence that life in stable social groups is not just a feature of humans, but also of many other primates, was yet to emerge and society was considered to be a uniquely human affair. As a result, early kinship theorists saw an apparent need to explain not only the details of how human social groups are constructed, their patterns, meanings and obligations, but also why they are constructed at all. The why explanations thus typically presented the fact of life in social groups ( which appeared to be unique to humans ) as being largely a result of human ideas and values. Morgan's early influence edit Morgan's exp...

Like Schneider, other anthropologists of kinship have largely rejected sociobiological accounts of human social patterns as being both reductionistic and also empirically incompatible with ethnographic data on human kinship. Notably, Marshall Sahlins strongly critiqued the sociobiological approach through reviews of ethnographies in his 1976 The Use and Abuse of Biology noting that for humans "the categories of 'near' and 'distant' kin vary independently of consanguinal distance and that these categories organize actual social practice" (p. 112). Independently from anthropology, biologists studying organisms' social behaviours and relationships have been interested to understand under what conditions significant social behaviors can evolve to become a typical feature of a species (see inclusive fitness theory). Because complex social relationships and cohesive social groups are common not only to humans, but also to most primates, biologists maintain that...

Fictive kinship edit Detailed terms for parentage edit As social and biological concepts of parenthood are not necessarily coterminous, the terms "pater" and "genitor" have been used in anthropology to distinguish between the man who is socially recognised as father (pater) and the man who is believed to be the physiological parent (genitor); similarly the terms "mater" and "genitrix" have been used to distinguish between the woman socially recognised as mother (mater) and the woman believed to be the physiological parent (genitrix). Such a distinction is useful when the individual who is considered the legal parent of the child is not the individual who is believed to be the child's biological parent. For example, in his ethnography of the Nuer, Evans-Pritchard notes that if a widow, following the death of her husband, chooses to live with a lover outside of her deceased husband's kin group, that lover is only considered genitor of any s...

Degrees edit Kinship Degree of relationship Genetic overlap Inbred Strain not applicable 99% Identical twins first-degree 100% Full sibling first-degree 50% (2−1) Parent first-degree 50% (2−1) Child first-degree 50% (2−1) Half-sibling second-degree 25% (2−2) 3/4 siblings or sibling-cousin second-degree 37.5% (3⋅2−3) Grandparent second-degree 25% (2−2) Grandchild second-degree 25% (2−2) Aunt/uncle second-degree 25% (2−2) Niece/nephew second-degree 25% (2−2) Half-aunt/half-uncle third-degree 12.5% (2−3) Half-niece/half-nephew third-degree 12.5% (2−3) Great grandparent third-degree 12.5% (2−3) Great grandchild third-degree 12.5% (2−3) Great aunt/great uncle third-degree 12.5% (2−3) Great niece/great nephew third-degree 12.5% (2−3) First cousin third-degree 12.5% (2−3) Double first cousin second-degree 25% (2−2) Half-first cousin fourth-degree 6.25% (2−4) First cousin once removed fourth-degree 6.25% (2...